By Hasan Kayali
Arabs and younger Turks is vital for an figuring out of up to date concerns similar to Islamist politics and the continued crises of nationalism within the heart East.
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In 1908, the revolution of the younger Turks deposed the dictatorship of Sultan Abdulhamid II and tested a constitutional regime that grew to become the foremost ruling strength within the Ottoman empire. however the seeds of this revolution went again a lot farther: to 1889, whilst the key younger Turk association the Committee of Union and growth was once shaped.
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Additional resources for Arabs and Young Turks: Ottomanism, Arabism, and Islamism in the Ottoman Empire, 1908-1918
Its indirect but unremitting interference in the political process introduced a problem of legitimacy. Its policy of availing of the skills and experience of certain statesmen of the old regime by keeping them under surveillance conflicted with its denunciation of all association with the Hamidian era. In Đstanbul the CUP failed to displace the old bureaucratic elite. In the provinces it did not succeed in breaking the political power of conservative notables. Centralization continued to be dependent on co-optation, although the exchange mechanisms shifted from the personal framework to a bureaucratic and increasingly partisan one.
The Committee showed its determination to exercise its controlling influence over the Palace and the Porte when it orchestrated the downfall of Said Pasha, the first grand vizier of the new era, a mere two weeks after his appointment to the post by Abdülhamid. He was replaced by Kamil Pasha, who, like Said, had served as grand vizier under Abdülhamid before. ” Kamil Pasha served approximately six months before he became involved in bitter conflict with the CUP and resigned. He was replaced by another “Old Turk,” Hüseyin Hilmi Pasha, a diplomat and administrator well known to the Unionists as the former inspector-general of Rumelia.
See also A. B. Kuran, Jön Türkler, 24. Caesar Farah, “Censorship and Freedom of Expression in Syria and Egypt,” in Nationalism in a Non-National State, ed. William Haddad and William Ochsenwald (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1977), 161. Tarazi, 2:264. Farah, 161; Zirikli, 6:115. Tarazi, 2:250–53; Hourani, Arabic Thought, 269. For a retrospective accusation of these intellectuals, who explicitly or implicitly upheld Arab-Islamic ideas, for having exploited national feeling to further their personal interests, see Muhammad Jamil Bayhum, Qawafil al-‘urubba wa mawakibuha khilal al-‘usur (Beirut: Matba‘a Kashaf, 1950), (pt.