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By Yi Wang

This ebook demanding situations the typical perceptions of Australian dependence upon great-power allies within the behavior of its overseas family members via a severe exam of Australia's relatives with the People's Republic of China. the writer makes a speciality of the commercial and political dimensions of the policy-making method from the founding of the PRC in 1949 to the current period, opposed to an analytical framework that takes under consideration either inner and exterior components within the formula and implementation of Australian overseas coverage. expert by way of political technology and diplomacy, the publication differs from the normal literature on Sino-Australian kin, which has both taken with natural fiscal research or targeting chronicling old occasions. the writer weaves theoretical insights from political technology and diplomacy into the historic research whereas looking to study the interaction among political and fiscal elements through the years in shaping coverage results. The booklet attracts not just on fundamental and secondary assets but additionally on info and insights got from interviews with an unlimited array of direct individuals within the coverage procedure, together with just about all the previous ambassadors from either China and Australia, protecting the total interval of the diplomatic courting. accordingly, the publication breaks new floor, specifically from the Hawke period onwards, revealing hitherto neglected information of curiosity within the coverage technique.

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Additional resources for Australia-China Relations post 1949: Sixty Years of Trade and Politics

Sample text

The Labor opposition supported trade with the PRC, and urged the government to adopt more active measures to promote such trade. Before the late 1960s, however, the ALP used trade as a political weapon to embarrass the government by accusing it of ‘inconsistency’ and ‘hypocrisy’ in trading with a country without according it recognition. Starting in 1969, the ALP under the leadership of Gough Whitlam changed its strategy by linking trade with recognition in a more positive way, arguing that the strong trading relationship warranted the establishment of diplomatic relations, which would in turn facilitate trade (Fung 1982).

4 For 16 years, Menzies and his representatives justified the postponement of measures to establish a diplomatic presence on the grounds of technical difficulties such as the lack of trained diplomatic staff in the Department of External Affairs. When Holt came to office, however, his proAmerican attitude and his desire ‘to build wider bridges with the non-Communist nations of Asia in terms of a nexus between economic development and political stability’ led him to lend a more attentive ear to voices that had long been pressing for the establishment of a diplomatic mission in Taiwan (Fung and Mackerras 1985: 46).

However, realizing that the China trade had gained wide public acceptance and that the anti-trade lobby was just a small – though vocal – minority, the DLP, the NCC and other like-minded circles conceded that the Pacific Confederation had no real chance of success, and that it was intended more as a ploy to divert public attention away from the trade issue than as a genuine option for a substitute market (Albinski 1965). Against this background of economic necessity and extensive public approval, the government’s generally supportive attitude to non-strategic trade with the PRC could now be understood better.

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