By Karen Barkey
Why did the most problem to the Ottoman kingdom come no longer in peasant or elite rebellions, yet in endemic banditry? Karen Barkey indicates how Turkish thoughts of incorporating peasants and rotating elites saved either teams depending on the nation, not able and unwilling to insurgent. Bandits, previously mercenary infantrymen, weren't attracted to uprising yet targeting attempting to achieve nation assets, extra as rogue consumers than as primitive rebels. The state's skill to manage and control bandits - via offers, deals, and patronage - indicates imperial power instead of weak spot, she continues. Bandits and Bureaucrats information, in a wealthy, archivally established research, state-society kin within the Ottoman Empire through the 16th and 17th centuries. Exploring present eurocentric theories of nation development, the writer illuminates a interval almost always mischaracterized as one within which the nation declined in strength. Outlining the approaches of imperial rule, Barkey relates the state's political and army associations to their social foundations. She compares the Ottoman course with country centralization within the chinese language and Russian empires, and contrasts reviews of uprising in France in the course of the comparable interval. Bandits and Bureaucrats hence develops a theoretical interpretation of imperial nation centralization, via incorporation and bargaining with social teams, and even as enriches our figuring out of the dynamics of Ottoman historical past.
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Additional resources for Bandits and Bureaucrats: The Ottoman Route to State Centralization
Its indirect but unremitting interference in the political process introduced a problem of legitimacy. Its policy of availing of the skills and experience of certain statesmen of the old regime by keeping them under surveillance conflicted with its denunciation of all association with the Hamidian era. In Đstanbul the CUP failed to displace the old bureaucratic elite. In the provinces it did not succeed in breaking the political power of conservative notables. Centralization continued to be dependent on co-optation, although the exchange mechanisms shifted from the personal framework to a bureaucratic and increasingly partisan one.
The Committee showed its determination to exercise its controlling influence over the Palace and the Porte when it orchestrated the downfall of Said Pasha, the first grand vizier of the new era, a mere two weeks after his appointment to the post by Abdülhamid. He was replaced by Kamil Pasha, who, like Said, had served as grand vizier under Abdülhamid before. ” Kamil Pasha served approximately six months before he became involved in bitter conflict with the CUP and resigned. He was replaced by another “Old Turk,” Hüseyin Hilmi Pasha, a diplomat and administrator well known to the Unionists as the former inspector-general of Rumelia.
See also A. B. Kuran, Jön Türkler, 24. Caesar Farah, “Censorship and Freedom of Expression in Syria and Egypt,” in Nationalism in a Non-National State, ed. William Haddad and William Ochsenwald (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1977), 161. Tarazi, 2:264. Farah, 161; Zirikli, 6:115. Tarazi, 2:250–53; Hourani, Arabic Thought, 269. For a retrospective accusation of these intellectuals, who explicitly or implicitly upheld Arab-Islamic ideas, for having exploited national feeling to further their personal interests, see Muhammad Jamil Bayhum, Qawafil al-‘urubba wa mawakibuha khilal al-‘usur (Beirut: Matba‘a Kashaf, 1950), (pt.