By Joya Chatterji
While past reviews of the tip of British rule in India have focused on the negotiations of the move of energy on the all-India point or have thought of the emergence of separatist politics among India's Muslim minorities, this research offers a re-assessment of the historical past of Bengal concentrating on the political and social tactics that ended in the call for for partition in Bengal and tracing the increase of Hindu communalism. In its so much startling revelation, the writer indicates how the call for for a separate place of birth for the Hindus, which was once fuelled by means of a wide and robust component to Hindu society inside Bengal, was once visible because the simply solution to regain impact and to wrest strength from the Muslim majority. the image which emerges is one among a stratified and fragmented society relocating clear of the mainstream of Indian nationalism, and more and more preoccupied with narrower, extra parochial issues.
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Extra resources for Bengal Divided: Hindu Communalism and Partition, 1932-1947
See, for instance, Sumit Sarkar, The Swadeshi Movement; Tanika Sarkar, Bengal 1928-1934; Barbara Southard, ' T h e Political Strategy of A u r o b i n d o G h o s h ' , a n d Bidyut C h a k r a b a r t y , 'Peasants a n d the Bengal Congress, 1928-1938', South Asia Research, vol. 5, 1, 1985. See also chapters 2 a n d 3 below. In fact, the so-called 'revivalist' thinkers were m o r e concerned with the present a n d creating a sense of cultural identity a n d national pride in their own society rather than with reviving the past.
22. This speech was m a d e in support of Mookerji's resolution condemning the Award a n d was carried unanimously by the Assembly. , p p . 20-26. There are obvious a n d interesting parallels between Mookerji's espousal of a 'federal' relationship between the Hindu a n d Muslim 'nations' of Bengal a n d J i n n a h ' s call for Pakistan less than a decade later. F o r a discussion of the federal basis of Jinnah's thinking on the Pakistan question, see Ayesha Jalal, The Sole Spokesman, p p . 174-175, 552-558.
K. Ghuznavi, on the other hand, did not disguise his disappointment with the award. The wealthy zamindar from Tangail, who had twice held office in Bengal ministries and had been a member of the Simon Commission, had evidently hoped that the Award would give Muslims a clear statutory majority. 43 However, it was not only the question being guaranteed a statutory majority that divided Muslim opinion. Many Muslim politicians had accepted separate representation, albeit as a 'necessary evil',44 but some still preferred joint electorates.