By Jeremy F. Lane
Within the final decade of his occupation, the French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu grew to become concerned about a chain of high-profile political interventions, protecting the reason for amazing scholars and employees, talking out within the identify of unlawful immigrants, the homeless and the unemployed, demanding the incursion of the marketplace into the sphere of inventive and highbrow construction. the 1st sustained research of Bourdieu's politics, this research seeks to evaluate the validity of his claims as to the uniqueness and superiority of his personal box conception as a device of political research.
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Additional info for Bourdieu's Politics: Problems and Possiblities (Routledge Advances in Sociology)
Those opposed to free-market economics have often been able to call upon the French republican tradition, figuring their defence of certain fundamental social and political rights as a defence of French national identity. A significant example of this phenomenon is provided by the problems encountered by Chirac, during his term as prime minister from 1986 to 1988. The election of Chirac as prime minister in 1986 did represent a rejection of the failed policies of the Socialist Party, while heralding the accession to power of a right-wing politician openly committed to a free-market agenda.
To point out that the strikers in 1995 were acting to defend gains that were not universal is not to question the legitimacy of their struggle to hold onto the particular pay and conditions they had managed to acquire over previous decades. It is also not to support the actions of the signatories of the Esprit petition, particularly as Juppé’s health reforms formed part of a larger package aimed at reducing overall social spending and eroding workers’ rights more generally. Rather it is to argue that the strikes of 1995 posed a series of urgent political questions concerning the inherent weaknesses of the French social security system and the kinds of reform necessary to render that system more equitable.
13). Yet this is an affiliation that Bourdieu himself was always keen to reject. Indeed, Bourdieu typically claimed that his own theory of practice offered a set of analytical tools at once distinct from and superior to those contained in Marxist or marxisant theories of ideology. For Bourdieu, conventional theories of ideology, with their implicit focus on ideas and representations, necessarily overlooked the key role played by embodied affect, custom and habit in securing agents’ adherence to the status quo, a role which concepts such as ‘habitus’ and ‘practice’ were able to elucidate and explain.