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By Déborah Crombie

Londres. Dans le quartier des Docks, un incendie ravage un entrepôt à deux pas d'un centre d'accueil pour femmes battues. Parmi les décombres, un cadavre calciné : un crime, révèle l'autopsie. Le superintendant Duncan Kincaid et sa collègue et petite amie Gemma James soupçonnent rapidement un lien entre ce meurtre et le kidnapping d'une petite fille dont les mom and dad se disputent l. a. garde. Mais de nouvelles disparitions sèment le doute, lançant les deux policiers sur une piste différente tandis que d'autres incendies menacent l. a. ville...
Avec ses deux personnages de détectives, Deborah Crombie s'est imposée comme une des grandes dames du suspense anglo-saxon. Dans ce mystery sombre et complexe, elle excelle plus que jamais à brouiller les pistes.

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25 At first glance it might appear that Henry’s concern was primarily a social one to focus on the lower classes. But the artisans were significantly under-represented among the victims 24 25 William Monter, Judging the French Reformation: Heresy Trials by Sixteenth-Century Parlements (Cambridge, MA, 1999), p. 136. Quoted in Jonathan Dewald, ‘The ‘‘Perfect Magistrate’’: Parlementaires and Crime in Sixteenth-century Rouen’, Archiv fu¨r Reformationsgeschichte, vol. 67 (1976), 298. Much of the preceding paragraphs is based on Frederic J.

To bring the world to order’. ‘Truly’, Calvin noted, ‘we ought to labour most for our own time and take it most into account. 15 Thus, one could say that the really distinguishing feature of Calvin – or rather, Calvinism – was the emphasis on social discipline. Given the fact that Christianity itself was perceived by Protestants and Catholics alike as a community of believers rather than a body of beliefs, the attention to social discipline is hardly surprising. And it is clear from Calvin’s writings in particular, that for him religion played the role of a ‘bridle’ in that community.

But were French Protestants on the eve of the Wars of Religion really from the lower classes as Henry II and other contemporaries believed? Many historians have thought so. The sociology and social geography of French Protestantism – Who were they? How many of them were there? And where did they live? – have always been important questions and the answers are by no means clear. Mark Greengrass has recently estimated that in the decade 1560–70, surely the high watermark of their success, there were roughly 1,200 Protestant churches in France.

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