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By Yesim Bayar

This e-book is a historic sociological exam of the formula and institutionalization of Turkish nationhood throughout the early Republic (1920-1938). concentrating on the language, schooling, and citizenship guidelines complicated through the interval, it appears at how the Republican elite positioned diversified ethnic, linguistic, and spiritual groups.

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The reform attempts, to a large extent, had failed. Discontent, ensuing from various causes, had deepened amongst the population. Nationalist movements had spread. The dreams of Ottomanism and constitutional government of the Young Ottomans seemed to be a thing of the past. It was around this time that the Hamidian regime faced its strongest opposition in a group of military men—the Young Turks. The Young Turks all styled themselves Ottomans and this was an important point for them (Berkes 1998 [1964]: 305).

My father had a last will for me. May he rest in peace; he used to say My son, we took refuge from the Caucasus in the country of the caliphate. This place accepted us unconditionally. . It is thanks to this caliphate, this sultanate that I received my education. . If we do not work for this country we would be showing ingratitude. I will keep my father’s advice till the end (na ydn 1982: 245). If the preservation of the empire was the central aim of the Young Turks as Orbay stressed, how did they discuss and debate alternative routes toward achieving this goal?

In fact, as late as the second half of the nineteenth century French was a 38 Fo r mati o n of t h e Tu rk i s h Nat i on - State, 1 920 –1 938 foreign language for a substantial number of Frenchmen, including almost half the children who would reach adulthood in the last q uarter of the century (Weber 1977: 67). Eventually, it was the spread of industrialization, migration from rural to urban areas, conscription to the military as well as the unic ation and nationalization of the education system that made the French language the common medium of communication among citizens.

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