By P. J. Coveney
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This paintings examines the function of royal confessors as political counsellors in seventeenth-century Spain and France, and the way, opposed to the backdrop of the momentous highbrow, theological, and political shifts that marked this era, questions of sense of right and wrong grew to become an enormous argument within the hegemonic fight among the 2 competing Catholic powers summary: This paintings examines the function of royal confessors as political counsellors in seventeenth-century Spain and France, and the way, opposed to the backdrop of the momentous highbrow, theological, and political shifts that marked this era, questions of moral sense grew to become an incredible argument within the hegemonic fight among the 2 competing Catholic powers
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Extra info for France in Crisis 1620–1675
Not yet ten years old. was taken to the Parlement de Paris to register the contentious edicts by lit de justice. From the moment of this challenge. events moved swiftly to the decision of the Parlement de Paris to convoke an assembly of all the sovereign courts. in order to confront the Crown with its illegalities and to demand redress by formulating and enforcing reforms. On 13 May 1648 an arret d'union was issued for a joint assembly. which the Crown could do nothing but accept. in spite of threats to withdraw the paulette from all officiers altogether.
The pressure of royal policy had thrust the tenuous stability and frail allegiances of the late-medieval constitution into acute disequilibrium and disturbance. Porshnev's major error was perhaps one of over-anticipation. Generalising from a comparatively limited documentary base, he perhaps expected his ingenious and intelligent perceptions about the nature and structure of the ancien regime in its final formation to be corroborated by the papers in the Seguier archive. Almost certainly, in the short-term, in the pre-Fronde at least, they were not.
The period from 1623 to the Fronde, the Pages-Mousnier model of French seventeenth-century development lies closer to the evidence we have. The provincial situation diagnosed by Mousnier, in which he sees a highly multiple interaction of forces operating a provincial opposition to the fiscalism and revolutionary administrative methods of the Crown. seems to emerge more consistently from the evidence. An alienated nobility. competing with the Crown for the limited amount of surplus money available in the provinces, can be seen taking its political opportunity in the social disintegration of the popular seditions (in a manner not unreminiscent of the way in which certain elements of the Netherlands aristocracy behaved.