By Janine Garrison
Nouvelle histoire de l. a. France moderne:
1. Janine Garrisson, Royauté, Renaissance et Réforme (1483-1559)
2. Janine Garrisson, Guerre civile et Compromis (1559-1598)
3. Yves-Marie Bercé, los angeles Naissance dramatique de l’absolutisme (1598-1661)
4. François Lebrun, l. a. Puissance et l. a. guerre (1661-1715)
5. André Zysberg, los angeles Monarchie des Lumières (1715-1786)
Read Online or Download Guerre civile et compromis, 1559-1598 (Nouvelle histoire de la France moderne, Volume 2) PDF
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This paintings examines the position of royal confessors as political counsellors in seventeenth-century Spain and France, and the way, opposed to the backdrop of the momentous highbrow, theological, and political shifts that marked this era, questions of judgment of right and wrong turned a massive argument within the hegemonic fight among the 2 competing Catholic powers summary: This paintings examines the position of royal confessors as political counsellors in seventeenth-century Spain and France, and the way, opposed to the backdrop of the momentous highbrow, theological, and political shifts that marked this era, questions of judgment of right and wrong grew to become an important argument within the hegemonic fight among the 2 competing Catholic powers
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Additional resources for Guerre civile et compromis, 1559-1598 (Nouvelle histoire de la France moderne, Volume 2)
Count Ciano’s arrival in Barcelona on July 10, 1939, escorted by an Italian flotilla of warships, received tremendous coverage in Spanish newspapers. During his weeklong stay he was hailed as representative of the “free, proud and victorious” power of the two Latin states, Italy and Spain. ”9 Franco did not always accord public prominence to the friendship between Nationalist Spain, Nazi Germany, and Fascist Italy, and the great debt owed by Franco to his two recent allies. In the victory parade held in Madrid on May 19, for example, the Spanish dictator did not mention the indispensable help the two Axis nations had provided to the Nationalist insurgency, despite the presence in the march of both Italian and German 7.
These ambitions, however, existed in a very circumscribed world, as their nation no longer was a great imperial power. After the disaster of the 1898 Spanish-American War, Spain’s empire had shrunk dramatically. In 1939, as the war was beginning, Spain’s colonial possessions did not extend beyond Equatorial Guinea, Spanish Sahara, part of northeastern Morocco, and the Atlantic coastal enclave of Ifni, surrounded by French Moroccan territory. For all of the concern of Spanish diplomats and military figures with gaining other territories, Morocco was their obsession and was in many ways the basis for the Franco regime.
14 Spain attempted to restore trade and diplomatic links with other states also because one erstwhile friend began to insist on a new understanding. The Germans began demanding payment for everything they had sent to help the Nationalists during the civil war, an unexpected bill that soured relations just before a new foreign minister, Colonel Juan Beigbeder, took office in August 1939. 15 Weeks later, Franco was horrified by the Hitler-Stalin Non-Aggression Pact of August, through which the two divided Poland and Eastern Europe.