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After the 2001 crisis, the structure of the Turkish financial system changed dramatically. Political intervention and the dominance ofthe public sector within the banking sector had increased throughOut the 1990s; this in turn triggered the increase in banking licenses. As a result, the number of banks increased, from 66 in 1990 to 81 in 1999. These banks were not 'doing banking' in any real sense because they were heavily investing in trcaSury bills and bonds instead of disbursing credit to the industrial economy.

21 The consolidation in the financial sector was the result of intra-capital restructuring of finance capital in Turkey. In fact, the exhaustion of the rentier accumulation strategy in the early 2000s required the restructuring of financial firms and their affiliated holdings. In the new context, the dynamic accumulation strategy that was based on internationalization and competition on a world scale instead of state-dependent accumulation model turned out to be the only sustainable way for Turkish finance capital to develop.

Indeed, following the end of the Cold War, successive Turkish governments have attempted to develop a pro-active strategy towards Russia and the post-Soviet region, the greater Middle East and the Balkans. From this point ofview, foreign policy activism in Turkey is not a novel phenomenon and certainly predates the AKP and the Davutoglu era. Turkey clearly possesses the economic, political and the cultural elements necessary to perform the role of a benign regional power and serve as a role model for many of the countries in neighboring regions.

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