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By Micah Alpaugh

Historians of the French Revolution have characteristically emphasized the centrality of violence to innovative protest. notwithstanding, Micah Alpaugh unearths as a substitute the dazzling incidence of non-violent strategies to illustrate that a lot of the preferred motion taken in progressive Paris used to be now not in truth violent. Tracing the origins of the political demonstration to the French progressive interval, he unearths how Parisian protesters commonly attempted to prevent violence, undertaking campaigns predominantly via peaceable marches, petitions, banquets and mass-meetings, which merely infrequently escalated to actual strength of their stand-offs with gurus. Out of over 750 occasions, not more than twelve percentage seem to have led to actual violence at any level. Rewriting the political historical past of the folks of Paris, Non-Violence and the French Revolution sheds new mild on our realizing of innovative France to teach that innovative sans-culottes performed a pivotal function in constructing the democratically orientated protest concepts nonetheless used this present day.

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Also, writers typically privileged collective over individual perspectives. Surviving information remains discontinuous, though many such silences may have been intentional: recurrently facing repression, protesters had reason not to share organizational details. Also, many campaigns’ interest in presenting themselves as the united robespierristes, 1990). The chief publications resulting were Genty, Paris 1789–1795; Raymonde Monnier, Le faubourg Saint-Antoine, 1789–1815 (Paris: Société des études robespierristes, 1981); and Haim Burstin, Le Faubourg Saint-Marcel à l’époque révolutionnaire: Structure économique et composition sociale (Paris: Société des études robespierristes, 1983) and Une révoluton à l’oeuvre: Le Faubourg Saint-Marcel, 1789–1794 (Paris: Champ Vallon, 2005).

Mixing defense of their own privileges with growing political radicalism, the clerks constituted a nearly ideal pressure group for the time. Exposed by their work to one of the Old Regime’s most vociferous centers of opposition, and left unemployed during the 52 Lerasle, Encyclopédie méthodique, jurisprudence, 10 vols. (Paris: Panckouke, 1782–91), Vol. I, 548. , Vol. IX, 310. , Vol. I, 509; and Vol. IX, 375. 57 In addition to agitating in the Parlement’s favor during 1771’s “Maupeou Revolution,” in which royal chancellor René-Nicolas de Maupeou attempted to break the court’s ability to resist royal absolutism, the 1774 protests for the still-banished judges’ return utilized many forms of protest again employed in 1787.

Censer, and Graham. (University Park, PA: Penn State University Press, 1997), 81. 48 Mercier, Tableau de Paris, Vol. I, 192. 49 Alan Williams, The Police of Paris, 1718–1789 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1979). 3 (2003), 389–407; and Beik, “The Violence of the French Crowd,” whose claim that “These demonstrators undoubtedly had a tolerance of physical violence which we do not share” (86) seems excessively difficult to establish. George Rudé, in Paris and London in the Eighteenth Century: Studies in Popular Protest (New York: Viking, 1971), describes how London’s popular political development and atmosphere of protest far outstripped Paris’ prior to the Revolution.

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